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The Pew Research Center is one of the most reliable voting companies in the country, especially when it comes to Latinos. Last week, he released the findings that were a victory lap for Donald Trump and what should have been his twisting relationship with America’s biggest minority.
According to Pew, Trump won 48% of Latino voters in the 2024 presidential election. This is the highest percentage recorded by Republican presidential candidates, a 12% point improvement from the 2020 exhibit.
Latinos accounted for 10% of Trump’s alliance from 7% four years ago. The first time a Latino man went with a Republican. Trump even improved his support among Latinos, whom Democrat leaders have long seen as a breakwater against macho Trumpstar relatives.
These statistics prove that I have been warning about for many years. Latinos proved that even blue California had made illegal immigrants sour, and that Democrat fatigue was focused on policies that hadn’t improved their lives. This gave Trump the opportunity to win despite years of broviation against Mexico and Central American countries. They were willing to take risks on unstable strongmen who resemble those on their ancestral lands.
Pew’s findings confirm one of Trump’s most notable achievements. It is very unlikely that a professional Latinos have long overstated his election benefits. Those voters may have been the winds blowing the xenophobic sails of his deportation fleet now.
All Trump had to do was stick to his campaign promises and target millions of immigrants who came illegally during the Biden era. Latinos are a significant minority and choose newcomers in areas of countries where they do not have an organisation tradition. Democrats and immigration rights activists have vowed to prioritize their collection in order to defend child abusers, drug dealers and murderers. It will make slow, boiling raids through 2026, building a record number of Latin GOP lawmakers since California.
Trump did not do any of those. Instead, he decided to crush an immigrant hammer in Los Angeles, the Latinx capital of the United States.
Instead of chasing the worst, Ramigra caught citizens and non-citizens in the same way. A time analysis of data obtained by the California Berkeley Act deportation data project found that nearly 70% of those arrested in immigrants and customs enforcement from June 1 to June 10th have no criminal convictions.
Instead of harassing newcomers with little connection to the US, agents have wiped out immigrants who have been here for decades. Instead of carrying out a campaign that had little attention given to them, as happened under President Obama and President Biden, and even during Trump’s first term, masked men were thrown around their powers like secret police in a dictatorship at the third rate. Instead of treating people with dignity and giving them the opportunity to challenge deportation, the Trump administration stuffed them into canned fish-like detention facilities, treating the constitution like a proposal instead of land law.
Atrocities have always been Trump’s point. But he risks making the same mistakes that California Republicans made in the 1980s and 1990s.
David Rojas, a student at Fullerton University, called on November 3, 1994 to students at Fullerton High on the street to participate in the protest against Proposition 187 in 187.
(Don Bartlett/Los Angeles Times)
Next year marks the 40th anniversary of the country’s last amnesty illegally by immigrants. It was signed into law by Ronald Reagan. Ronald Reagan said Latinos were famously Republicans who didn’t know about it yet. The great communicators knew that the best way to bring them into the GOP would not to impose and demonize the matter of meat and potatoes.
The 1986 pardon may have been the moment when Republicans beat Latinos during the so-called decade of Hispanics. Instead, California politicians began pushing for xenophobia bans, including signs for stores in other languages and undocumented immigrant drivers’ licenses, claiming that these supposed invaders were destroying the Golden State. The movement reached its peak with the passage of Proposition 187 in 1994.
We all know how it works.
My generation of Mexican-Americans – on the way to our assimilation, little in common with the undocumented immigrants from Southern Mexico and Central America who arrived after our parents, but instead became radical. We proudly waved the Mexican flag. We helped Democrats establish a supermajority in California, throwing Republicans politically equivalent to the tar pits of Lovelair.
It felt like the proposition had finished again for 187 years when it covered the anti-ice protest outside the federal building in Santa Ana in June. Mexican tricolor flew again. This time, flags from El Salvador, Guatemala and other Latin American countries have been added. The majority of the protesters were teenagers and young adults who had no connection to immigration rights groups I know. They will become the next generation of activists.
I also met people like Giovanni Lopez. At a good time, the 38-year-old Santa Ana resident wore a white poncho depicting the Aztec god Quetzalcoatl, blew a large plastic corner away, as if he was Joshua trying to knock down Jericho’s walls. It was his first protest.
“I’m deporting criminals for them,” Lopez said during a short break. “But that’s not what they’re doing…. They’re getting normal people, and that’s not right. You’re forced to stand up to normal Raza.”
Since then, I have seen social media feeds transform into Vario CNN. They share videos of people grabbing Ramigras and make sure onlookers aren’t afraid to tell them. Other reels feature customers buying street vendors for the day, allowing them to stay safe at home. Transformation was also hit by the house. My father and brother went to a “No Kings” rally in Anaheim a few weeks ago.
When Rancho Li Batarians like them are angry enough to fight back publicly, you know that the president is blowing it away with Latinos.
People gather on Sunset Boulevard and Vincecully Avenue to protest immigrant raids in Los Angeles and the Dodgers on June 21, 2025.
(Carlin Steel/Los Angeles Times)
I’m back to Pugh. Another report released last month found that almost half of Latinos are worried that those they know might be deported. Even among Latino Republicans, fear is real, with only 31% of Trump’s plan to deport all undocumented immigrants, compared to 61% of white Republicans.
California State Senator Suzette Martinez Valadales and state Senator Rosilisy Ochoa Bog are among those GOP skeptics. They signed a letter to Trump from a California Republican lawmaker. His Migra team focuses on actual bad secretaries, “If possible, avoid the kinds of raids that will instill fear and disrupt the workplace.”
We know that proud conservatives like Ochoa Bog and Valadales, co-chairs of California’s Hispanic Legislative Caucus, are blowing Latino when Trump’s deportation floods get in the way.
But Trump is still there. This week, the Department of Justice announced it was suing LA City Council and Mayor Karen Bass, claiming that their “sanctuary” city policies are blocking “the will of the American people regarding deportation.”
By choosing the city of angels, Trump sets us an example for everyone else. Because no one will overthrow immigrant rights like LA, or create Latino political power like we do. When massive attacks appear elsewhere, the community is ready.
Many Latinos voted for Trump because they felt Democrats had forgotten them. Now that Trump is paying attention to us, many of us are increasingly realising that his intentions are never good.
You blew it away, Donald – but what else is new?
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